NCC’s Fadiel Adams vs DA: Battle Over Credit for SAPS Corruption Probe

NCC’s Fadiel Adams vs DA: Battle Over Credit for SAPS Corruption Probe

on Oct 31, 2025 - by Janine Ferriera - 14

When Fadiel Adams, leader of the National Coloured Congress (NCC), stood before a packed parliamentary gallery in October 2025, he didn’t just defend his actions—he tore down the narrative that the Democratic Alliance (DA) had led the charge against corrupt police officials. "We didn’t wait for them to notice the rot," Adams said. "We dug it up. And now they want to pose as the heroes?" The moment captured a bitter, months-long power struggle over who deserves credit for exposing deep-seated corruption within the South African Police Service (SAPS), particularly its elite Crime Intelligence unit.

How It All Started: The Crime Intelligence Scandal

The firestorm began in early 2025 when the Inspector-General of Intelligence uncovered a web of illegal property acquisitions by senior officers in SAPS Crime Intelligence. Documents revealed luxury homes, high-end vehicles, and offshore accounts linked to Major-General Philani Lushaba and at least four other officials—all with salaries that couldn’t possibly cover such assets. The findings weren’t leaked; they were formally submitted to Parliament in May. But who pushed for action? That’s where the war began.

By June, Dianne Kohler-Barnard, a DA MP on the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, publicly demanded Lushaba be summoned to testify. Her statements made headlines: "This isn’t just corruption—it’s institutional betrayal." But Adams, who had been quietly gathering evidence since January, called it a political stunt. "They waited six months to speak up. We were already in courtrooms and backroom meetings with whistleblowers," he told local reporters.

The Accusations Mount: Credit, Control, and Confidentiality

The NCC had filed its own formal complaints with the Public Protector in February, long before the DA’s public statements. Adams claims his team secured sworn affidavits from three Crime Intelligence insiders, including a forensic accountant who traced payments to shell companies in Mauritius. The DA, he argues, only jumped on the story once it became politically convenient—after media pressure mounted and the public outcry grew.

Then came the counterattack. In September, Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner, accused Adams and Kohler-Barnard of "recklessly exposing classified operations" by discussing internal Crime Intelligence files in media interviews. Mkhwanazi claimed the NCC had accessed documents marked "Top Secret" through unauthorized channels—a claim Adams denies. "I don’t steal files," Adams shot back. "I receive them from people who’ve lost faith in the system."

By October 30, the conflict turned personal. Mkhwanazi filed a formal complaint with Parliament’s ethics committee, alleging Adams committed perjury after retracting testimony about a meeting with a key whistleblower. Adams had initially claimed the meeting occurred in Pretoria in March; later, he admitted it was in Cape Town in April. "It’s a detail," Adams said. "The facts haven’t changed. The truth is still the same."

Who’s Really in Charge? The Oversight Battle

At the heart of this feud isn’t just ego—it’s jurisdiction. The DA, as part of the official opposition, operates through parliamentary committees. The NCC, a smaller but vocal civil society group with deep roots in Cape Town’s Coloured communities, operates outside Parliament but wields influence through grassroots pressure and legal channels. The Ad Hoc Committee on Police Accountability, established in August 2025, became the battleground.

Delays plagued the committee. Key documents weren’t submitted until October 6, forcing a two-week postponement of hearings. Police Minister Mchunu acknowledged the backlog, saying, "We’re working with what we have, but the lack of cooperation from within SAPS is staggering." Meanwhile, Ian Cameron, chair of the Portfolio Committee on Police, publicly criticized the NCC for "undermining institutional integrity" by going public before formal processes concluded.

But here’s the twist: Cameron’s own committee had failed to summon Lushaba until September—three months after the Inspector-General’s report was tabled. The NCC had already forced a preliminary inquiry through the courts.

Why This Matters Beyond Politics

Why This Matters Beyond Politics

This isn’t just about who gets the press release. It’s about who gets to hold power accountable in South Africa. The SAPS Crime Intelligence unit was once seen as a shield against organized crime. Now, it’s suspected of being part of the problem. And if civil society groups like the NCC can’t act without being accused of overstepping, then who will?

For communities in Khayelitsha, Athlone, and Gugulethu—where police corruption has eroded trust for decades—the NCC’s role has been lifeline, not liability. When residents reported missing money from their pensions or illegal vehicle seizures, it was the NCC’s legal team that filed the first complaints. The DA didn’t respond until the story hit national TV.

"We’re tired of being treated like noise," Adams said. "When the system fails, people don’t wait for permission to speak up."

What’s Next? The Clock Is Ticking

The Ad Hoc Committee is scheduled to resume hearings in mid-November 2025. Lushaba is expected to testify, along with two other Crime Intelligence officers under investigation. The Inspector-General’s full report is due by December 15. Meanwhile, the National Prosecuting Authority has opened a preliminary investigation into the perjury allegations against Adams.

But the bigger question looms: Will Parliament finally act—or will this become another case of accountability delayed, then forgotten?

Frequently Asked Questions

What exactly did the Inspector-General of Intelligence uncover about SAPS Crime Intelligence?

The Inspector-General’s investigation found that senior Crime Intelligence officials, including Major-General Philani Lushaba, had acquired at least R12.7 million in luxury property and vehicles between 2020 and 2025 using unexplained funds. Bank records showed payments routed through shell companies in Mauritius and the British Virgin Islands, with no official declarations. The report also revealed that internal audits were deliberately suppressed by unit leadership.

Why is Fadiel Adams being accused of perjury?

Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi alleges Adams changed his testimony about the location and date of a meeting with a whistleblower—claiming it was in Pretoria in March, then later admitting it was in Cape Town in April. Adams maintains the discrepancy is minor and doesn’t affect the substance of his claims. Legal experts say such inconsistencies, while problematic, rarely constitute perjury unless intent to deceive is proven—which has not been established.

How has the DA responded to the NCC’s accusations?

The DA has not issued a direct rebuttal to Adams’ claims of credit appropriation. Instead, DA officials have emphasized their parliamentary actions—such as submitting formal questions to the police minister and demanding Lushaba’s summons—as evidence of their leadership. They’ve also criticized the NCC for bypassing formal channels, calling their methods "unorthodox and potentially dangerous." But they’ve avoided addressing whether their own response was delayed.

Are other groups supporting the NCC’s stance?

Yes. The South African Human Rights Commission issued a statement in September expressing "grave concern" over the suppression of whistleblower testimony and the politicization of accountability. Several civil society organizations, including the Institute for Security Studies and the Legal Resources Centre, have publicly backed the NCC’s right to act outside parliamentary structures when state institutions fail. Even some SAPS rank-and-file officers have privately confirmed the NCC’s early efforts helped protect them from retaliation.

What’s the risk if this conflict isn’t resolved transparently?

If Parliament continues to delay or allows internal power struggles to overshadow justice, public trust in institutions will collapse further. In areas like Khayelitsha, where police corruption is already a daily reality, citizens may stop reporting crimes altogether. Worse, it could embolden other units within SAPS to operate with impunity, believing no one will hold them accountable unless it’s politically convenient.

Could this lead to criminal charges against SAPS officials?

Absolutely. The National Prosecuting Authority has confirmed it’s reviewing the Inspector-General’s findings for potential charges of fraud, money laundering, and obstruction of justice. Major-General Lushaba and at least two other officials are under active investigation. If the evidence holds, they could face trial by mid-2026. The real test will be whether the state has the will to prosecute high-ranking officers—even if it means confronting its own political allies.

14 Comments

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    Patrick Scheuerer

    November 1, 2025 AT 15:43

    The DA’s entire strategy is performative accountability. They wait for the outrage to peak before they show up with a press release and a podium. Meanwhile, the NCC-marginalized, underfunded, operating outside the Westminster theater-did the actual work: collecting affidavits, protecting whistleblowers, filing in court. This isn’t about credit. It’s about who gets to define justice in a broken system. The DA doesn’t want to dismantle corruption; they want to own the narrative of its exposure. That’s not leadership. That’s branding.

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    Angie Ponce

    November 2, 2025 AT 16:15

    It’s always the same. The little guy stirs the pot, and the big party swoops in to take the trophy. But let’s be real-without parliamentary leverage, none of this would’ve gotten past the news cycle. The NCC’s methods are chaotic. They leak, they exaggerate, they play the victim. The DA at least works within the system, even if it’s slow. Sometimes you have to play the long game, not just scream into the void.

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    Andrew Malick

    November 3, 2025 AT 13:14

    There’s a structural irony here. The DA operates through institutional channels-committees, subpoenas, parliamentary procedure-while the NCC operates through extralegal civil society pressure. Neither is inherently superior. But the fact that the state’s own oversight bodies (Inspector-General, Public Protector) validated the NCC’s evidence before the DA even spoke publicly suggests the institutional path was not just slow-it was inert. The DA didn’t lead; they piggybacked. And now they’re rewriting history because their brand needs a hero.

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    will haley

    November 5, 2025 AT 11:07

    Okay but imagine if Fadiel Adams was white and from Pretoria. Would the DA even be having this conversation? Or would they just call him a radical and ignore him? This isn’t about accountability-it’s about who gets to be heard. The DA has been waiting for a Black man to fail so they can look righteous. He didn’t fail. He outmaneuvered them. And now they’re mad because they didn’t get to be the saviors.

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    Laura Hordern

    November 6, 2025 AT 16:46

    Look, I grew up in Cape Town. My uncle was a cop in Khayelitsha. He used to come home with bruises because he reported corruption and got punished for it. The NCC? They were the ones who showed up at his funeral after he got pushed off the case. The DA? They sent a tweet. Three months later. And now they’re acting like they’re the ones who fought the system? No. The NCC didn’t just expose corruption-they held space for people who’ve been silenced for decades. That’s not politics. That’s survival. And yeah, maybe they didn’t do it with parliamentary decorum, but the system wasn’t built for people like them to play by the rules.

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    Brittany Vacca

    November 7, 2025 AT 07:16

    Im so sad to see this happen. The DA is supposed to be the opposition, not the drama queen. And Fadiel is just trying to do right. I hope they all remember that truth matters more than headlines. :-(

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    Lucille Nowakoski

    November 8, 2025 AT 13:01

    I think we need to step back and remember that accountability isn’t a competition. The DA has a role. The NCC has a role. The Inspector-General has a role. But when we start fighting over who gets the credit, we lose sight of the real goal: justice for the people who suffer every day because of these corrupt officers. Maybe the NCC moved faster. Maybe the DA moved louder. But if both of them helped bring Lushaba to account, then isn’t that what matters? Let’s not let ego bury the truth.

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    Benjamin Gottlieb

    November 9, 2025 AT 20:12

    The institutional inertia of parliamentary oversight is a well-documented pathology. The DA’s reliance on committee procedures created a temporal lag that allowed the corruption to metastasize. The NCC, operating as a non-hierarchical, decentralized accountability node-leveraging whistleblower networks, legal aid infrastructure, and community trust-bypassed the bottleneck. This isn’t a power struggle; it’s an evolutionary divergence in accountability architectures. The state’s institutions are designed for containment, not confrontation. Civil society, when properly resourced, is designed for disruption. The DA’s outrage is performative because their mechanism is obsolete. The real question is whether Parliament will adapt-or become irrelevant.

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    Angela Harris

    November 11, 2025 AT 05:43

    Interesting. I didn’t know the NCC was doing this. I just saw the DA on TV and assumed they were the ones pushing it.

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    Doloris Lance

    November 12, 2025 AT 12:53

    Let’s be clear: the NCC’s methods are a violation of protocol. Accessing classified documents-even if from whistleblowers-is illegal. Whether the intent was noble doesn’t excuse the breach. The DA may be slow, but they follow the law. You can’t build a just society on shortcuts that undermine the very institutions you claim to defend. This isn’t about credit-it’s about the rule of law. And if we normalize extralegal actions, we’ve already lost.

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    Carolette Wright

    November 12, 2025 AT 20:24

    Ugh I’m so tired of all this drama. Can’t we just lock the bad cops up and move on? Why does everyone need to be a hero?

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    Beverley Fisher

    November 13, 2025 AT 02:30

    awww I just love how passionate everyone is about this! Fadiel is such a hero and the DA is just being petty 😔 but seriously, I think they should all hug and make up. Justice is love 💖

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    Anita Aikhionbare

    November 14, 2025 AT 13:59

    This is exactly what happens when African institutions are hijacked by colonial-era frameworks. The DA thinks democracy means following white man’s rules. The NCC? They’re African accountability-raw, real, rooted in the streets. Who cares if they didn’t use the right form? They got results. The system failed. People stepped up. That’s not chaos. That’s revolution.

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    Mark Burns

    November 16, 2025 AT 13:28

    Okay so here’s the tea: the DA’s PR team wrote this whole narrative. They knew the NCC was digging. So they waited. Then when the story blew up, they came out swinging like they were the ones who broke it. Classic. And now they’re trying to paint Adams as the unstable one? Bro. He’s the only one with receipts. The DA’s got press releases and PowerPoint slides. That’s not leadership. That’s TikTok activism.

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